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August 4, 2022

According to Patrick Basham, there are such things as  “non-polling metrics” — things like  comparative party registrations, turnouts in the primary elections, social media followings, attendance at campaign rallies and other measures that had, prior to the 2020 presidential election, predicted the outcome of presidential elections with 100% accuracy.  In 2020, all these measures pointed to a Trump victory.  In attendance at campaign rallies, for example, Trump’s average attendance exceeded Biden’s by a average ratio of 343 to 1. And yet Biden won. 

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There were other anomalies: “…Biden could win only one of the 19 battleground counties around the U.S., but he supposedly won all of the battleground states.”  And there were hundreds of affidavits charging malfeasance, and there were whistleblowers in Pennsylvania and Georgia.  There were audits in Arizona and Montana showing potential fraud.  And, most recently, there was True the Vote/Dinesh D’Souza’s documentary 2000 Mules, which, through cell-phone geo-tracking and surveillance videotapes, showed persons, often in the dead of night, apparently stuffing ballot drop boxes. 

None of these, at least so far, have been sufficient evidence for bring a charge of vote fraud against specific individuals.  But, the assurances of Democrats, major media and others notwithstanding, they certainly cast legitimate doubt on the integrity of the 2020 election.

In the face of such grounds for doubt, do we, with regard to future elections, really need to prove that the 2020 election was in fact stolen?  In order to take remedial action, shouldn’t it be enough to prove that it (and others) could have been stolen? 

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Indeed, should we even need to do that?  Shouldn’t we, simply as a matter of course, have the most secure system possible, so secure that doubts do not even arise?

That is, in fact, is what Article 4, §4 of the Constitution — the Guarantee Clause — asserts:

“The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government… [that is, one ruled with the consent of the people].”

Obviously, a government that rules by means of vote fraud does not rule with the consent of the people.  And the clause requires no reasonable grounds for suspicion before its guarantee is activated.  It is eternally activated. 

Of course, neither the United States, nor any earthly authority, can actually “guarantee” that no state will be subverted by vote fraud.  All it can guarantee is that it will take every step to ensure that such an insidious, contemptible crime does not occur. 

In fact, all steps have not been taken.  And we did not need the 2020 election to tell us that.  A variety of vulnerabilities, including absentee voting, were addressed in 2004 in John Fund’s book, Stealing Elections. How Voter Fraud Threatens our Democracy. With respect to absentee voting, a 2005 commission on federal election reform — co-chaired by former President Jimmy Carter and former Secretary of State James Baker III identified absentee ballots as “the largest source of potential voter fraud.”  And in 2012, again on postal voting, Adam Liptak of the New York Times wrote: