

Photo Credit: Image: Gage Skidmore via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0.
Gage Skidmore
One hopes that Rubio's core principles will fuse with Trump's bold style to form a ‘good cop, bad cop' partnership.Dear reader, before you proceed, I need to make a confession. I supported Donald Trump in 2016, 2020, and 2024. As a libertarian, I strongly oppose the leftist agenda of infringing on property rights, collectivizing consciousness, and redistributing wealth.
During the 2016 election cycle, I actively criticized Marco Rubio on social media. I labeled him “Little Marco,” following Trump’s lead, and compared him to a “community organizer” for the Republican Party. My criticism focused on how Rubio, like Obama, built a political career from his youth without holding what many would consider a real job outside of politics. I believed that Rubio’s rise was arranged by the Republican National Committee to fill the demand for Hispanic representation within the party. I dismissed him as a political lightweight — called him a “Zero,” a product of party engineering rather than merit.
Over time, Rubio proved that my early perception was overstated. As a senator, Rubio developed political experience and demonstrated that he was not just a figurehead or a convenient representative for the Hispanic community. He became an active and effective legislator, particularly focused on foreign policy. His record of co-sponsoring legislation aimed at condemning aggressor nations such as Russia, Iran, and China showcased his commitment to defending U.S. interests on the global stage.
Rubio’s stance on China was notably assertive. He co-introduced the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, S.3176, on January 9, 2020, which became law on December 23, 2021 as Public Law No: 117-78. This legislation aimed to block goods made with forced labor in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from entering the U.S. His consistent warnings about China’s geopolitical threat, its economic expansion, and Wall Street’s role in amplifying Chinese influence over U.S. markets clarified his view: China is not a benign partner, but an adversary challenging American dominance.
On Iran, Rubio maintained a firm line. He co-sponsored the bipartisan MAHSA Act, S.2626, introduced on August 1, 2023, named after Mahsa Amini, whose death in Iranian police custody sparked global outrage. The bill sought sanctions on Iranian officials for human rights abuses and passed the Senate in October 2023, though it awaits enactment. Rubio also pressed for stricter enforcement of existing sanctions, especially amid reports of Iran acquiring materials from China to boost its missile capabilities.
Russia has been another key focus of Rubio’s work. He backed the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, H.R.3364, signed into law on August 2, 2017, as Public Law No: 115-44, targeting Iran, North Korea, and Russia for actions undermining U.S. security. Rubio was outspoken in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and opposing Russian aggression in Eastern Europe, recognizing the Kremlin’s expansionism as a direct challenge to Western security and U.S. leadership. His IMPAIR Russia Act, S.3733, introduced on March 2, 2022, aimed to impose sanctions after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Though it didn’t pass independently, its measures shaped broader sanctions efforts. Likewise, S.4937, introduced on September 22, 2022, barred U.S. recognition of Russian sovereignty over Ukrainian territory, reinforcing Kyiv’s integrity; it stayed in committee but influenced Senate views.
Rubio co-sponsored the Ukraine Security Partnership Act, S.3522, introduced by Senator Jim Risch on February 3, 2022, offering military and economic aid to Ukraine before Russia’s full-scale invasion. It fed into larger aid packages, signed into law on April 21, 2022, as part of Public Law No: 117-128.
Trump’s decision to appoint Rubio as secretary of state came as a surprise to many. Yet his nomination received overwhelming bipartisan support — unlike many of Trump’s other appointments. Rubio’s record and experience made him a reassuring figure for both allies and those concerned about the direction of U.S. foreign policy. His confirmation reflected recognition of his competence and knowledge in foreign affairs, even by those who had once dismissed him as inexperienced.
Despite his strong credentials, Rubio now faces the complex reality of serving in the Trump administration. The “America First” approach often clashes with Rubio’s established foreign policy views. The administration’s leniency toward authoritarian regimes like Russia and its disregard for traditional alliances place Rubio in difficult positions, where his personal convictions frequently conflict with the directives coming from the Oval Office.
The Russia-Ukraine war is a prime example of this tension. Despite Rubio’s consistent support for Ukraine’s sovereignty, as secretary of state, he has been forced to echo the administration’s calls for both Russia and Ukraine to make concessions. This stance, aligned with Trump’s preference for ending the war quickly, risks legitimizing Russia’s territorial ambitions. Observers noted Rubio’s visible discomfort during meetings with Russian officials, signaling his internal struggle with policies that contradict his core principles.
The strain became even more evident when the administration instructed the U.S. representative at the United Nations to align with nations like North Korea and Belarus in opposing a resolution supporting Ukraine. Rubio, who had spent years condemning Russia’s aggression, now finds himself standing by policies that undermine his previous positions.
Rubio also faces challenges from the administration’s combative approach toward America’s allies. Trump’s trade wars and punitive tariffs on traditional partners like Canada likely appear counterproductive from Rubio’s perspective. As someone who understands the strategic importance of alliances, he likely views alienating Canada as a strategic error that weakens U.S. influence and undermines collective efforts to confront global threats.
Regarding European nations, there is no doubt that they must contribute more to common defense. However, the U.S. should demand this without humiliating its partners. We are all representatives of Western civilization, and no treaty with Russia or China can replace these alliances in the foreseeable future. Rubio’s legislative work has consistently reflected this understanding. Rubio co-sponsored S.J.Res.4 on January 17, 2019, requiring Senate approval for NATO withdrawal, enacted on December 19, 2023, as part of the National Defense Authorization Act, Public Law No: 118-31, affirming his NATO stance amid Trump-era doubts.
Rubio’s journey from a young senator to secretary of state reflects his personal growth and political evolution. However, surviving within the Trump administration will require balancing political loyalty with personal integrity.
Rubio’s future depends on how he navigates these challenges. Will he adapt to Trump’s policies, setting aside his previous beliefs to remain in line with the administration? Or will he choose to voice his concerns, risking political consequences — even resignation — if the conflict between his convictions and Trump’s agenda becomes irreconcilable? It will be interesting to see whether he quietly conforms, prioritizing political survival, or takes a stand, demonstrating that some principles outweigh career ambitions.
I once saw Trump as a master strategist, a 4-D chess player whose provocative moves concealed true intentions that ultimately took enemies by surprise and advanced American interests. I no longer believe that, though I’d be pleased to see evidence to the contrary. My hope now is that Rubio’s core principles will fuse with Trump’s bold style to form a “good cop, bad cop” partnership that restores America’s greatness on the global stage and reinforces Western civilization.
Allen Gindler is a researcher and author specializing in Austrian Economics and libertarian philosophy. He has published academic and opinion pieces in The Independent Review, Journal of Libertarian Studies, Mises Wire, American Thinker, and other outlets.
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Image: Gage Skidmore via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 3.0.