‘Not Alaska First’: Peltola’s Green New Deal allies draw scrutiny in Alaska Senate bid

“Republicans don’t need to persuade Alaskans that national Democrats oppose fossil fuels. Alaskans already know it,” said GOP strategist Dennis Lennox. “Oil and gas are the backbone of Alaska’s economy and the Permanent Fund. Mary Peltola can brand herself however she wants, but support from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ed Markey tells voters exactly where she fits in the national Democratic Party — Alaska Last, not Alaska First.”

Republicans say the contradiction is politically unsustainable in a state where energy development is central to jobs, state revenue, and the cost of living.

“You can’t campaign as pro-oil in Alaska while taking political support from people trying to shut the industry down nationally,” said a National Republican strategist based in Washington. “Voters understand the stakes here.”

The Green New Deal, introduced in 2019 by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) and Sen. Ed Markey (D-MA), was a nonbinding congressional resolution that never became law but outlined goals to rapidly cut greenhouse gas emissions and steer the U.S. economy away from fossil fuels through large-scale renewable energy investment. Markey has also introduced legislation to block drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

Ocasio-Cortez and Markey are not the only high-profile Democrats supporting Peltola. There’s also Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA), who has advanced policies to phase out fossil fuels in his state; Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who has backed national climate initiatives aimed at accelerating renewable energy; and former Vice President Kamala Harris, who has supported major federal climate legislation and restrictions on new oil and gas leasing.

Peltola’s campaign rejects the idea that endorsements define her candidacy.

“Mary’s record is clear: She will always put Alaska First, and no one from the Lower 48 will ever tell her how to vote or how to think,” a campaign spokesperson said in a statement provided to the Washington Examiner.  “That’s why she took on her own party to secure the Willow project after years of delays, and why she has been a strong advocate of the Alaska LNG pipeline project.”

Republicans argue that those alliances expose a fundamental divide between Peltola’s Alaska-centered energy message and the national climate priorities of her backers.

GOP critics point to parts of Peltola’s record they say complicate her pro-energy branding. She voted “present” on legislation aimed at rolling back Biden-era executive actions affecting Alaska oil and gas development, including drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and later withdrew support for a bill she initially led to reinstate certain ANWR leases, saying the measure would override protections tied to the Northern Bering Sea Climate Resilience Area, where Alaska Native tribes hold expanded management authority. Peltola has also said she “likes the concepts” contained in the Green New Deal framework, even as she argues oil and gas will remain central to Alaska’s future.

At the same time, Peltola is one of the few Democrats in recent congressional sessions to openly support expanded oil development. She joined the pro-fossil fuel Congressional Western Caucus in 2023 and was one of only seven House Democrats to vote for legislation easing restrictions on liquefied natural gas exports. She voted with Republicans on resolutions criticizing the Biden administration’s energy policies.

Peltola spent months urging the Biden administration to approve the Willow oil project, a massive North Slope drilling development expected to produce up to 180,000 barrels of oil per day and seen by Alaska leaders as critical to jobs and state revenue. Ocasio-Cortez and Markey opposed the project.

Peltola’s cross-party votes have frustrated some environmental activists. During her 2022 campaign, the National League of Conservation Voters declined to endorse her. Still, its scorecard shows she voted with Democrats on most environmental legislation, breaking with them only occasionally.

Alaska-based consultants say the national framing risks missing how voters already view Peltola. Jim Lottsfeldt, who has worked with Democrats, independents, and centrist Republicans in the state, argued that her willingness to break with her party is well established.

“There’s plenty of times when Mary Peltola parted with national Democrats to put Alaska first,” Lottsfeldt said. “Republican criticism of her Alaska First brand does the opposite of what they want.”

That familiarity, Democrats contend, makes it harder to recast her as a proxy for Washington politics. National Democratic strategist Jon Reinish said voters saw her govern as an Alaska-first lawmaker during her time in Congress.

“She showed that she was somebody who was from the exact fabric of the state of Alaska,” Reinish said.

Campaign strategist Josh Marcus-Blank said the GOP strategy of nationalizing Peltola might carry more weight against a lesser-known candidate, but her visibility changes the equation.

“If she were an unknown quantity, those attacks might land differently,” he said. “But voters have already seen her govern and advocate for Alaska. It’s harder to rewrite someone voters feel like they already know.”

A Republican strategist involved in Senate races said the goal is to define Peltola early before she can fully recast herself as an independent brand.

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“This race is about contrast,” the strategist said. “If voters are reminded who her national allies are and what they stand for, that cuts directly against the image she’s trying to project.”

Peltola’s political career began in the Alaska legislature in 1998, and she later worked in tribal fisheries management before becoming the first Alaska Native elected to Congress in 2022. She lost her House seat in 2024 to Republican Nick Begich but remains Democrats’ strongest challenger to Sullivan in a state President Donald Trump carried by roughly 13 points.